On Two Sub-projections of the Nominal Extended Projection: Some Romance Evidence

If cross-linguistic word order variation is a function of the movement of the head of each (sub)projection of an extended projection (in one of the possible ways movement can take place: with or without pied piping) there will be novel evidence for the correct constituencies of the clause and its major phrases. Here I will try to illustrate this by looking at two specific sub-projections of the nominal extended projection in a number of Romance languages: the sub-projection of locative adverbs and elevation and exteriority/interiority particles, and the sub-projection containing ‘other’, and ordinal and cardinal numerals.