نبذة مختصرة : Proces europskih integracija, s rastućom političkom, ekonomskom i sigurnosnom međuovisnošću zemalja članica, projektiran je tako da, između ostalog, eventualno može rezultirati razvojem zajedničkog pristupa obrani, koji bi po obilježjima bio daleko ispred bilo kojeg oblika tradicionalnog savezništva. Potpisnici Maastrichtskog sporazuma obvezali su se oblikovati zajedničku obrambenu politiku, koja će s vremenom dovesti do zajedničke obrane. Zajednička obrambena politika, čija bi se struktura izgradila na temelju modela i trendova obrambene politike vodećih zapadnoeuropskih zemalja, trebala bi se razvijati kao integralni dio zajedničke vanjske i sigurnosne politike Europske unije. Morala bi se baviti sa svim aspektima uporabe vojne sile, tako da će zahtijevati analizu širokog spektra mogućih scenarija koji mogu zaprijetiti sigurnosti Europske unije. Države EU-a pokazale su pojedine nedostatke u vojnim sposobnostima, kao što su transportna oprema i druge sposobnosti za projekciju sile. Premda su na ekonomskom području postigle konsenzus o brojnim pitanjima, očigledno je da obrambena pitanja kao što su nuklearno oružje, profesionalizacija vojske i politika obrambene industrije još predstavljaju preveliki izazov za članice Unije. Iako EU, WEU i NATO predstavljaju samo segment europske sigurnosne arhitekture, najvjerojatnije će poslužiti i kao ključni institucionalni okvir za razvoj zajedničke obrambene politike i zajedničke obrane. Buduće širenje ovoga triangularnog institucionalnog okvira bit će međuovisno, međusobno podržavajuće i usporedno.
The process of European integrations, with a growing political, economic, and security interdependence of member states is designed in such a way that, among other things, it can eventually result in developing a collective approach to defense, whose features would be a far cry from any other form of traditional alliances. The signatories of the Maastricht Agreement vowed to shape a common defense policy which would in time lead to the common defense. The common defense policy, whose structure would be built on the basis of the models and trends of the defense policies of the leading west- European countries, should evolve as an integral part of EU’s common foreign and security policy. It should address all the aspects of the use of military power, and it will require an analysis of a broad spectrum of possible scenarios which may pose a threat to EU’s security. EU countries have demonstrated certain shortcomings in their military capacities e.g. transport equipment and other capacities for deployment. Although in the economic field they have achieved consensus on numerous issues, it is obvious that defense issues such as nuclear weapons, professionalization of the military and the policies of defense industry are still a major bone of contention for EU members. Though EU, WEU, and NATO represent only a segment of the European security architecture, they will most probably serve as the key institutional framework for the development of a common defense policy and common defense. Further expansion of this triangular institutional framework is going to be interdependent, mutually supportive and parallel.
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