Perspectives on Elder Abuse in Korea

INTRODUCTIONAlthough elder abuse in Korea has recently received increased attention, little is known about how older people are treated in their homes. Due to developments in medical care, improvement in sanitary conditions, and attention to health issues, the population of aging individuals continues to grow in Korea. According to the National Statistical Office in Korea (2005), the percentage of the population aged 65 and over is 9.1% (or 4.28 million out of 47 milllon), and will reach 14.4% by the year 2018, and 20% by 2026.As the older population increases, the burden on families becomes heavy, especiaUy given a lack of social services, and values emphasizing the family's responsibility to care for its aging members (Park & Choi, 2001). Many of these values reflect the strong impact of Confucian ideology (originating in China) on Korean family life going back as far as the mid17th century. It was at that time that Confucian norms spread into the general public, clan rules were established, and discrimination in inheritance emerged, giving preference to eldest sons and discriminating against daughters (Choi, 1983). By the end of Korea's Chosun dynasty (14th to 19th centuries), the family system had become patrilineal, married daughters were considered to be members of their husband's family, and the patriarchical family was consolidated.As distinct from the Western emphasis on independence and individualism, Korean family relationships are interdependent and expected to serve a protective function for family members as they age. Despite recent social changes, important values defining the Korean family include "filial piety" to the parents, revealed through the ancient custom of ancestor worship (The Society for the Study of Korean Women's Society, 2001). FaUures to demonstrate filial piety can cause conflicts between generations (Mo, 1999). Moreover, because of filial piety norms, and victims' concerns with preserving family harmony and honor, elder maltreatment can be committed covertly and not discussed outside the home or even viewed as abusive. That is, in Asian cultures, value systems influenced by Confucian philosophy, such as close family ties, harmony, order, and filial piety, may not decrease abusive behavior but may minimize the extent to which abusive behaviors are recognized and acknowledged (Ho, 1990).In response to growing recognition of the problem of abuse in famiUes, two provisions for the prevention and punishment of domestic violence were enacted in Korea in July 1997-the Act on the Punishment of Domestic Violence, and the Act for the Prevention and Protection of Victims of Domestic Violence. Before this legislation, most people, even police, were reluctant to violate family privacy to intervene in domestic violence cases. Moreover, victims were generally unwilling to recognize their aversive experiences as "abusive." Extending these two provisions, a separate legislative act for elder abuse was passed in 2004. Although an Act for Elder Welfare was estabUshed in 1981 and revised several times, it was the 4th revision in 2004 that included elder abuse. According to this law, elder abuse is defined as physical /psychological/sexual violence, economical exploitation, cruel behavior or neglect for the elderly.To obtain an estimate of the prevalence of elder maltreatment, the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs coUected data from 865 elders over age 65 in 2001 . Nearly 8% had experienced abuse from their children or other family members. Types of abuse were verbal and psychological (7.7% of respondents), neglect (2.5%), economic exploitation (2. 1 %), physical abuse (0.3%), and other abuse. Almost 43% of the elder abuse occurred "almost every day." In regard to causes, 39.5% of the abuse incidents were attributed to economic problems and 22.1% to the personality of the abuser. According to the research of Seo (2003) with 1,300 elderly people over the age of 65, the major elder abusers in the family were sons (42. …